Louisiana’s Anti-CCS “Conservatives” Push for Democrat over Trump-endorsed Julia Letlow

A flood of comments inside the anti-CCS Facebook group The People of Louisiana Against Carbon Capture Sequestration, part of Save My Louisiana’s so-called United Front Against CCS, show Fleming supporters now openly threatening to back Democrat Jamie Davis for U.S. Senate over Trump-endorsed Julia Letlow. LACAG promoted Davis’ content on CCS. Save My Louisiana encouraged Democrats to re-register Republican to vote for Fleming. These aren’t conservative activists. The mask is off.

At the center of it is John Fleming himself, who has built his entire Senate campaign on opposition to carbon capture while peddling demonstrably false claims about the technology and its effects on Louisiana landowners. Fleming has repeatedly misrepresented how eminent domain applies to CO2 pipelines, ignored the state’s existing permitting safeguards, and stoked fear in rural communities using talking points that trace straight back to the same national ENGO network funding his allies. He didn’t stumble into this movement. He chose it and the company he’s kept tells you everything about what’s really going on.

None of it is surprising once you follow the money. The Pelican Institute reports that out-of-state funders have directed $115.5 million to Louisiana’s anti-oil and gas NGO network since 2020, a staggering 98.4% of everything these groups have taken in. Bloomberg, Soros-aligned foundations, and other out-of-state networks are who’s bankrolling the “grassroots” resistance. And the Sierra Club’s Angelle Bradford has been in the anti-CCS comment threads cheering Fleming voters toward the Democratic candidate, calling it an “American patriot statement” when one commenter declared the Republican party dead to him.

No one should be surprised. For years, anti-CCS activists have insisted their movement was about protecting Louisiana communities, not politics. But now many of the same voices are openly encouraging support for a Democrat over President Trump's endorsed candidate for U.S. Senate.

That's the tell. This was never just about carbon capture. It was about building a coalition against Louisiana's energy future and finding a Republican willing to carry their message. John Fleming chose to become that candidate. Louisiana voters deserve to know exactly who is cheering him on.

Jeff Landry Exposes John Fleming’s Cynical Carbon Capture Rebrand

In a recent video, Landry took direct aim at former Congressman John Fleming over his sudden opposition to carbon capture, calling it what it looks like to many observers: an opportunistic, cynical, and disingenuous flip-flop driven by politics, not principle.

Read more: Jeff Landry Exposes John Fleming’s Cynical Carbon Capture Rebrand

Trump's Energy 'Emergency' Sets Up Carbon Capture as a Solution

President Donald Trump’s executive orders and energy “emergency” declaration signal the US is going to expand the carbon capture and sequestration policies he focused on during his first administration.

Carbon capture refers to the process of removing carbon dioxide from fuel production, fuel combustion processes, and ambient air streams. The captured carbon can either be compressed into liquid and then injected for permanent geologic sequestration in deep sub-surface formations, or used for enhanced oil recovery and product manufacturing.

The Bipartisan Budget Act of 2018, which Trump signed, expanded Section 45Q tax credits so a credit could be computed per metric ton of qualified carbon oxide captured and sequestered, rather than exclusively for CO2. The Department of Energy in 2020 also supported so-called “clean fossil” power generation technologies such as natural gas and blue ammonia in combination with carbon capture processes.

Trump’s latest executive orders promote energy supply solutions that integrate with and are supported by carbon capture, creating optimism those technologies will receive renewed support. By declaring a national energy emergency, Trump directed the heads of executive departments and agencies to exercise any lawful emergency or other lawful authorities “to facilitate the identification, leasing, siting, production, transportation, refining, and generation of domestic energy resources.”

The executive order defines energy as “crude oil, natural gas, lease condensates, natural gas liquids, refined petroleum products, uranium, coal, biofuels, geothermal heat, the kinetic movement of flowing water, and critical minerals.” Many of these energy sources are well-suited for a carbon capture component.

Meanwhile, Rep. Troy Balderson (R-Ohio) reintroduced legislation to promote fossil fuel and nuclear energy development, signaling a push for energy supply that integrates with carbon capture technologies.

There has been continued bipartisan support for carbon capture and related sequestration since the Obama administration’s Environmental Protection Agency adopted the Class VI CO2 injection well permitting program critical to carbon capture projects in 2010. The 2024 Carbon Dioxide Removal Investment Act established a new production tax credit for carbon removal technology, and there is a general expectation the tax credits for carbon capture under the Inflation Reduction Act will remain intact despite the change in administration.

Another factor contributing to optimism for broader deployment is that permitting, an often costly and time-consuming process, may be streamlined. Trump directed federal agencies to eliminate delays and expedite processing of federal permits for projects essential to the nation’s economy or national security 

As a result, the Environmental Protection Agency is expected to prioritize issuing permits that support fossil fuel energy sources, as well as permits for technologies that integrate with such sources, such as Class VI CO2 injection well permits. The EPA likely will delegate its authority, known as primacy, to a greater number of states beyond the current four (West Virginia, North Dakota, Wyoming, and Louisiana) to issue Class VI permits at the state level, further expediting the permitting process.

However, challenges remain for widespread carbon capture deployment. While technologies such as amine CO2 stripping and CO2 injection for enhanced oil recovery are well-established with mature permitting processes, deep CO2 injection for permanent sequestration is a more recent development and faces technical, supply chain, and regulatory hurdles.

Beyond such project development considerations, some stakeholders view carbon capture processes as controversial because they encourage continued use of fossil energy resources and raise concerns about the safety of deep CO2 injection, notwithstanding the safety requirements imposed by the Class VI permitting regulations.

Despite these challenges and uncertainties, progress in carbon capture technology has been notable, driven by policy support and growing industry interest. In 2022, GE Gas Power received $5.7 million in federal funding for a study on retrofitting Alabama Power’s James M. Barry Electric Generating Plant to capture up to 95% of its CO2 emissions.

New carbon capture opportunities are also rising from the growing energy demand of data centers supporting artificial intelligence. Engine No. 1 and Chevron U.S.A. Inc. recently announced a partnership to develop natural gas power plants for data centers on a site that is compatible with lower-carbon solutions such as carbon capture.

The trend of promoting carbon capture projects domestically and globally will likely continue. McKinsey & Co. anticipates that annual investment in carbon capture, utilization, and storage could reach $175 billion by 2035. A recent report from ResearchAndMarkets.com forecasts a 16% compound annual growth rate in the carbon capture market from 2024 to 2031, with North America and Europe leading the growth.

Although the new administration’s energy policy is evolving, its focus on affordable and reliable energy supply, especially through fossil fuels, suggests that integrating carbon capture technology into both new and existing projects will become more viable both commercially and technically.

Author Information

Anastasia Slivker is partner at Norton Rose Fulbright focused on renewable energy and infrastructure transactions and other corporate matters.

Scott Burton is co-head of Norton Rose Fulbright’s environmental and mass tort practice in the US.

Siyi Zhu is an associate at Norton Rose Fulbright.